cover
titlepage
copyrightpage
Contents
Series preface
List of figures and maps
List of tables
Abbreviations and typographic conventions
List of contributors
Introduction: Maiden, morphology, and more
Adam Ledgeway, John Charles Smith, and Nigel Vincent
1 Martin Maiden
2 Morphology
3 More
Part I The Status Of Periphrasis and Inflexion
1 Periphrasis and inflexion: Lessons from Romance
Adam Ledgeway and Nigel Vincent
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Theoretical issues
1.2.1 Analysis vs periphrasis
1.2.1.1 Lexical theories
1.2.1.2 Inferential theories
1.2.2 Formal issues in modelling periphrases
1.2.2.1 Intersectivity
1.2.2.2 Non-compositionality
1.2.2.3 Distributed exponence
1.2.2.4 Compound periphrases
1.2.2.5 Gradience
1.2.3 Paradigmaticity
1.3 Diachrony
1.3.1 Grammaticalization and directionality
1.3.2 Compositionality and univerbation
1.3.3 Attestation and reconstruction
1.3.4 Language contact
1.4 Conclusions
2 The boundaries of inflexion and periphrasis
John Charles Smith
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The boundaries of inflexion
2.2.1 Preliminary issues
2.2.2 Case study 1: gender
2.2.3 Case study 2: number
2.2.4 Case study 3: vocatives
2.3 The dividing line between inflexion and periphrasis
2.4 The boundaries of periphrasis
2.4.1 Introduction
2.4.2 Intersectivity
2.4.3 Range of forms
2.4.4 Distributed exponence
2.4.5 Contiguity
2.4.6 Non-compositionality
2.4.7 Fuzziness
2.4.8 Structural and sociolinguistic variables
2.4.9 Grammaticalization
2.4.10 Intersectivity as a variable
2.5 Conclusion
Part II Periphrasis
3 Layering and divergence in Romance periphrases
Nigel Vincent and Max W. Wheeler
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Forms of habere have'
3.3 Forms of the go verb
3.4 Reinforcement of the lexical verb
3.5 Loss of inflexion
3.6 Conclusion
4 The go-future and go-past periphrases in Gallo-Romance
Sandra Paoli and Sam Wolfe
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The go-future in French
4.2.1 From Latin to old French
4.2.2 Middle to modern French
4.2.3 Contemporary developments
4.3 Old Occitan
4.4 Discussion
4.5 Concluding remarks
5 The tornare-periphrasis in Italo-Romance: Grammaticalizationagain'!
Mair Parry
5.1 Introduction
5.1.1 Grammaticalization
5.2 Italo-Romance verbal periphrases with tornare
5.2.1 Italo-Romance data (nineteenthโtwentieth centuries)
5.2.1.1 Infinitival periphrases
5.2.1.2 Paratactic or serial periphrases
5.3 The grammaticalization of tornare
5.3.1 Pragmatic and semantic extension, leading to desemanticization
5.3.2 Decategorialization
5.3.3 Cliticization and erosion?
5.4 Conclusion
6 Periphrases and irregular paradigms in Italo-Romance
Silvio Cruschina
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Motion and progressive double inflexion constructions
6.3 The N-pattern as a periphrastic morphome
6.4 The Sicilian modal periphrasis
6.5 Conclusions
Part III Auxiliation
7 Auxiliary selection in Italo-Romance and inflexional classes
Xavier Bach and Pavel ล tichauer
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Auxiliary selection and inflexional classes
7.2.1 Content paradigm, form paradigm, and realizations
7.2.2 Segregated inflexional classes and compound tenses
7.3 Mixed perfective auxiliation systems in Italo-Romance
7.4 Mixed systems in reflexives and heteroclisis
7.4.1 Reflexives with the BBH-BBH pattern
7.4.2 Heteroclisis with default marking
7.4.3 Heteroclisis by overabundance
7.4.4 Problematic cases of heteroclisis
7.5 Conclusions
7.5.1 Theoretical problems
7.5.2 Diachronic considerations
8 The morphological nature of person-driven auxiliation: Evidence from shape conditions
Michele Loporcaro
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Perfective auxiliation: syntax vs morphology
8.3 Perfective auxiliation depending on the phonology in three dialects of Apulia
8.4 A shape condition on the distribution of has'/is'
8.5 From complementary distribution via overabundance to heteroclisis and suppletion
8.6 The limits of morphology
8.7 Conclusion
Part IV analysis vs synthesis
9 The loss of analyticity in the history of Romanian verbal morphology
Adina Dragomirescu, Alexandru Nicolae, and Rodica Zafiu
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Periphrastic forms in old Romanian
9.2.1 Periphrases with the lexical verb in the infinitive
9.2.2 Periphrases with the lexical verb in the past participle
9.2.3 Periphrases with the lexical verb in the gerund/present participle
9.3 Analytic forms in modern Romanian
9.4 Analytic forms in (Daco-)Romanian dialectal varieties
9.4.1 Periphrases with the lexical verb in the infinitive
9.4.2 Periphrases with the lexical verb in the past participle forms
9.4.3 Periphrases with the lexical verb in the gerund/present participle
9.5 An account of the partial loss of analyticity in Romanian verbal morphology
9.5.1 Demise of a subset of periphrastic forms
9.5.2 Diachronically stable analytic formations
9.5.3 The relevance of analytic formations which were preserved dialectally
9.6 Conclusions: the loss of analyticity in a wider perspective
10 The relation between inflexional and analytic marking of obliques in Romanian
Gabriela Pan"0103 Dindelegan and Oana U"021B"0103 B"0103rbulescu
10.1 Introduction: marking of oblique functions in modern standard Romanian
10.2 Old Romanian
10.2.1 Distribution of inflexional and analytic markers: an overview
10.2.2 Analytic markers: distribution and competition
10.2.3 Mixed structures
10.2.4 Quantifiers
10.2.4.1 Homogeneous constructions vs heterogeneous constructions
10.2.4.2 Mixed constructions
10.3 Modern Romanian
10.4 Conclusion
11 A diachronic perspective on polymorphism, overabundance, and polyfunctionalism
Rosanna Sornicola
11.1 Polymorphism and polyfunctionalism
11.2 Polymorphism and overabundance: on the historyof the terms
11.2.1 Overabundance
11.3 On representing the relations between form and function
11.3.1 The relation between form and function
11.3.2 Polymorphism and free variation
11.3.3 Suppletion and syncretism
11.3.4 Polymorphism and polyfunctionalism: paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations
11.3.5 Polymorphism and polyfunctionalism in diachrony
11.4 Polymorphism and polyfunctionalism in late-medieval documents from Italy
11.5 Inflexional systems, polyfunctionalism, and polymorphism
11.6 Influence of phonetic factors
11.7 Atrophization
11.8 Overextension of the stem
11.9 Overextension of inflexion
11.10 Preservation of morphological properties of class III nouns
11.11 Differentiation and hypodifferentiation of paradigm cells
11.12 Interchangeability of forms and merging of paradigm cells
11.13 Syntactic factors
11.14 Hypercharacterization of grammatical relations
11.15 Polyfunctionalism of number and syntactic function
11.16 Towards a diachronic model of polymorphism and polyfunctionalism
Part V Inflexion and its interfaces
12 Thematic and lexico-aspectual constraints on VโS agreement: Evidence from northern Italo-Romance
Delia Bentley and Michela Cennamo
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Theoretical preliminaries: lexico-aspectual structure and thematic roles
12.3 The case of Emilian-Romagnol
12.3.1 Our survey
12.3.2 Cross-dialectal variation
12.3.2.1 Agreement variation with [โstate] verbs
12.3.2.2 Agreement variation with [+state] verbs
12.3.2.3 Qualitative analysis: summary
12.3.3 Quantitative analysis
12.4 Theoretical considerations and conclusions
13 Conditioned epenthesis in Romance
Mark Aronoff and Lori Repetti
13.1 Introduction
13.1.1 Intrusive vowels
13.1.2 Phonological epenthesis
13.2 Case studies in Romance languages
13.2.1 Brazilian Portuguese
13.2.2 San Marino
13.2.3 Paduan
13.2.4 Italian
13.2.5 Catalan varieties
13.3 Accounts of the phenomena
13.3.1 Allomorphic solutions
13.3.2 Epenthesis
13.3.3 Interim conclusion: morphologically conditioned epenthetic segment quality
13.4 Other types of insertion
13.4.1 Catalan stem extenders
13.4.2 Italian
13.4.3 Spanish antesuffixes
13.5 Findings
14 Koinรฉization and language contact: The social causes of morphological change in and with Portuguese
Tom Finbow and Paul O'Neill
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Koinรฉization in Romance
14.3 Koinรฉization in the history of Portuguese
14.3.1 Development of second-person plural pronominal and verbal forms in European Portuguese
14.3.2 Second-person singular non-deferential address in unplanned discourse of two Brazilian Portuguese varieties
14.4 Brazilian Portuguese as morphosyntactic model for indigenous languages
14.4.1 Old Tupi and Portuguese
14.4.1.1 Demonstratives and pronouns
14.4.1.2 Portuguese influence on Yแบฝgatรบ verb typology
14.4.1.3 Grammaticalization of rรฃm
14.4.1.4 Grammaticalization of su `go'
14.5 Conclusion
References and bibliographical abbreviations
Index