He argues we are living in a society full of ironies. With the fall of the Soviet bloc and the diversification of nations that accompanied it, we are in a complex age with little understanding of the world in which we live or its inconsistencies. Indisputable advances, for example in medicine or transportation, exist alongside increasing poverty in many nations. Striving for 'modernity', the elusive and usually non-defined, unattainable goal is mostly a value-based paradox. Whereas the idea of indefinite economic growth used to be what 'development' was, now this is seen as no more than a jumbled set of values to which many of us do not really aspire.
The most interesting chapter is 'Towards alternative policies' which, rather than maintaining a purely negative critique of modernity, argues for a political re-interpretation for positive new forms of development dialogue. To do this separates the theoretical debate from practical implications of a new, positive 'modernity'. What the chapter offers are some suggestions that can indicate the type of practical applications, avoiding polemic in the quest for practicality. The key suggestions are a series of political means and political ends that are deemed viable.
First, less reductive goals and priorities in development planning. He rejects the Bretton Woods Institutions focus on the key role of growth and of national insertion into the world economy. Instead, indefinite growth should be replaced by concentration on particular growth rates for a nation state. Second, who is responsible for economic decision-making? There is a redefinition of the state, which states themselves are often incapable or unwilling to recognize-most concur with externally imposed economic concepts. 'Growth' needs to be seen as part of business rather than its raison d'etre. If there is no awareness of the paradox of profit led growth then there is no understanding of alternatives. It is surprising that Comeliau did not explore non-profit organizations in this section, as they also have an important role.
Third, international trade is important. Although political awareness of the ramifications of the WTO or EU has improved, there is still a lack of understanding of the political dimensions of trade. Once again it is up to both national and international bodies to change the rules of the game. These organizations need to introduce more criteria for trade than profit alone and to alter the bias of protection for some and not others. A restructuring of the international apparatus is needed if this politicisation of development and realignment of modernity is to occur. Fourth is an emphasis on the political choices made for development policies within richer nations are profoundly party political and thus short-term. In-built within development policies needs to be a long-term social forecasting apparatus that will include legislative and regulatory controls to ensure the apparatus is followed through by consequent holders of power.
This text would be particularly relevant for those wishing to explore the paradoxes inherent within our current economic system, without looking for a particular crusade to follow. Comeliau offers a series of explanations that is scholarly rather than iconoclastic and is therefore rather refreshing. His assertion for the re-politicization of development is based on a specific understanding of society from which many, blinkered by their own log-frames or goals, could learn much.